ALL of the present county of Athens was included in the original  "Ohio Company's Purchase." It formed a part of Washington county until the year 1805, so that for a period of sixteen years, or until the date of its severance from Washington and erection into a separate county, their histories were, in some sense, identical. The fortified and well-protected settlement of Marietta, begun in 1788, very soon pushed its outposts into the interior, and many of those who first located within the limits of Washington, died within the limits of Athens county. The number of instances is still greater in which the second generation of pioneer families is found to have removed from one county to the other. In view of these facts we may with propriety introduce into this narrative some account of the formation of "The Ohio Company" and its founders, and of the first colony planted under its auspices at Marietta in 1788, by which Washington and Athens counties became

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the site of the earliest white settlement made in the territory of the Northwest.
     The conclusion of the Revolutionary war, as of all earnest and protracted wars, witnessed the sudden throwing-out of employment of a great many men. There were patriotic officers who had risked their lives and sacrificed their property in the contest, and no less patriotic soldiers who, though they had not sacrificed so much, found themselves at the end of the war with an abundance of liberty but no property, and their occupation gone. The eastern states abounded with these men. They were men of character, energy, and enterprise, full of patriotism and true democratic ideas, proud of their manhood and of their ability to labor. Nor were they in every case men of merely physical resources; in many instances they had enjoyed the advantages of scholastic training, and had mingled the culture of science with the profession of arms. Others of them, though not educated, in the usual acceptation of the term, had that strong native sense and "mother wit" which avail far more in the world than the knowledge of mere pedants however extensive. Bold, active, and adventurous, they had the fullest confidence in the future of their country, and longed to bear a further part in its history and development. Added, doubtless, to such considerations was a desire to rebuild their shattered fortunes, and to regain, under the large liberty and equal laws

p. 23 -
of the new republic, some portion of the wealth they had sacrificed in fighting for it. The following sketch of one of these retired warriors will revive the memory of a good and pure man, who was for many years very closely identified with the first settlement of Washington and Athens counties.

Rufus Putnam.
RUFUS PUTNAM was born at Sutton, Massachusetts, on the 9th of April, 1738. His father, Elisha Putnam, was the great-great grandson of John Putnam who emigrated from Buckinghamshire, England, and settled at Salem, Massachusetts, in 1634, just fourteen years after the landing at Plymouth Rock. Rufus was the youngest of six children. His father, who is spoken of as "a very useful man in the civil and ecclesiastical concerns of the town," where he lived, died in 1745. Thus orphaned at the tender age of seven, the boy Rufus was sent to live with his maternal grandfather, Mr. Jonathan Fuller, in Danvers, Massachusetts, where he remained less than two years. While here he had such school advantages as the place and times afforded, and learned to read. These advantages, however, meager as they were, were quickly ended; for about this time his mother married again, and Rufus went home and lived there till he was fifteen years old. His stepfather was not only an illiterate man, but despised learning and scouted at the idea of studying

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books. He not only did not aid his stepson in his efforts to learn, but denied him all opportunities for instruction. The boy was not allowed to go to school, was refused the means of adding to his little store of books, and was even denied a candle at night by which to study. But, he verified the adage "Where there is a will there is a way," and proved anew that a youth with a thirst for learning was never yet baffled in his resolve to quench it. The stepfather kept a kind of public house, and Rufus, by diligently waiting on chance travelers, acquired a few pence of his own. With these he bought powder and shot, and, being something of a sportsman, raised money enough by the sale of game to purchase a spelling book and arithmetic. With these invaluable aids he made fair progress, teaching himself meanwhile to write and compose sentences.
     When nearly sixteen years old he was apprenticed to a millwright in Brookfield, Massachusetts, with whom he remained four years. Here he learned the purely mechanical parts of the trade, but he had no further instruction. He pursued, however, his course of self instruction, getting such books as he could, and toiling painfully along in the study of arithmetic and geography. His working hours were devoted to acquiring the practical art of the millwright and to farm labor, and his leisure time to reading and the study of such books as he could procure. Thus, by the time he was eighteen years old, he was, physically, a thoroughly

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developed and powerful man, and, in mental culture, had laid a good foundation for future acquisitions, and gained a stock of ideas by no means despicable.
     At the age of nineteen his apprenticeship was completed. The war between Great Britain and France had then (1757) been in progress about three years, and young Putnam was no sooner free to choose his own course than he enlisted as a private soldier in the provincial army. His patriotic instincts at that time led him to fight for, as in later life they forced him to fight against, the King. The company to which he belonged joined the army in the vicinity of Lake George, New York, in May, 1757. He served from this time in all of the campaigns till the close of the war, undergoing with patient heroism all the toils and dangers of the service, and discharging his duty with fidelity and zeal. At the close of the war, in December, 1760, he returned to his home in New Braintree, and in the following spring, April, 1761, married Miss Ayres, of Brook-field, who died in childbed in the ensuing winter.
     For seven or eight years after the conclusion of the French war, Mr. Putnam devoted himself exclusively to his trade as millwright. Being now master of his own time, he habitually gave certain portions of it to self improvement, especially in the practical branches of mathematics, in which he felt himself deficient. By persevering industry, he so far acquired the principles of surveying and navigation as to be able to practice

p. 26 -
them. Later in life his knowledge of surveying was of the greatest value to him. In January, 1765, being then twenty-seven years old, he married a second time. His wife was Miss Persis Rice, of Westborough, Massachusetts. They lived together more than fifty-five years, and raised a numerous family of children.
     We have very little record of Mr. Putnam's life during the next ten years. It is probable that he pursued the joint vocations of farmer and millwright, rearing his family, meanwhile, according to the thrifty code of New England. These were the piping times of peace, from 1765 to 1775, and the crisis had not yet arrived when men of action like Putnam showed to advantage, We are, however, informed of one undertaking in which he engaged during this interval, which indicates that he was full of enterprise and alive to the movements of the day. This was an effort to colonize in Florida, by an association styled "The Military Company of Adventurers" It was composed of those who had served in the provincial army during the French war, and the association expected to obtain grants of land in "West Florida" (now Mississippi), from the British government. Mr. Putnam was chosen one of the explorers. The necessary preparations for the voyage and service having been completed, the party sailed from New York in January, 1773. After a long voyage they arrived at Pensacola, and there, to their great disappointment and chagrin, found that the

p. 27 -
Governor had no authority to grant them lands as had been represented. Considerable time was spent in negotiations on the subject, and exploring the rivers and adjacent country; but no settlement was made, and Mr. Putnam finally returned to Massachusetts.
     The contest between England and her American colonies had now reached the acme of bitterness. On one side was evinced a disposition to oppress, arid on the other a determination to resist. Reconciliation was out of the question, and what shrewd men had long foreseen was now to become a reality. War began. On the 19th of April, 1775, the battles of Lexington and Concord were fought, and immediate and open hostilities followed. Among the first to take up arms in defense of the country was Mr. Putnam. He received a commission as lieutenant-colonel in Brewer's regiment, one of the first that was raised. From this time till the close of the war, he was ardent, active, and efficient in his support of the colonial cause. In August, 1776, he received from Congress an appointment as engineer, with the rank of colonel, in which rank he served several years with great efficiency. In 1782 there were two vacant brigadier-generalships in the Massachusetts line, to one of which Col. Putnam felt that his long and meritorious service entitled him to be promoted. Owing, however, to certain local intrigues, not necessary to be detailed, no promotion was made, and the places were kept

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vacant for a considerable time, much to Col. Putnam's annoyance and disgust. Washington, whose entire confidence Putnam enjoyed, and who fully appreciated his services and ability, interested himself in the Colonel's behalf. Hearing that Putnam thought of quitting the army in disgust, he wrote him as follows:

                                                                "Headquarters, Newburg, Dec. 2, 1782.
     "SIR : I am informed you have had thoughts of retiring from service, upon an arrangement which is to take place on the 1st of January. But as there will be no opening for it unless your reasons should be very urgent indeed, and as there are some prospects which may, perhaps, make your continuing more eligible than was expected, I have thought proper to mention the circumstances, in expectation that they might have some influence in inducing you to remain in the army. Col. Shepherd having retired, and Brig.-Gen. Patterson being appointed to the command of the first brigade, you will, of consequence, be the second colonel in the line, and have the command of a brigade, while the troops are brigaded as at present. Besides, I consider it expedient you should be acquainted that the question is yet before Congress, whether there shall be two brigadiers appointed in the Massachusetts line. Should you continue, you will be a candidate for this promotion. The Secretary at War is of opinion the promotion will soon take place; whether it will or not I am not able to determine, and, therefore, I would not flatter you too much with expectations which it is not in my power to gratify. But if, upon a view of these circumstances and prospects, the state of your affairs will

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permit you to continue in the present arrangement (which must be completed immediately), it will be very agreeable to, sir,
                                            Your most humble servant,
                                                                      G. WASHINGTON."
     "COL. PUTNAM."
     On receipt of this letter, Col. Putnam, who was at the time absent on furlough, immediately repaired to camp and reported for duty. On the 8th of January following, he was commissioned a brigadier-general, which position he held during the brief remainder of the war.
     The friendship of Washington was extended to Gen. Putnam after he retired from the military service, as was evidenced by his appointment to various offices at different times.
In the summer of 1783, just before the final reduction of the army took place, some two hundred and fifty officers petitioned Congress for a grant of land in the Western country. Gen. Putnam, who was himself personally interested in the measure, and was revolving ideas of emigration, addressed a letter to Washington on the subject, setting forth the plan in some detail, and requesting the latter to use his influence with Congress in favor of the grant. It is an interesting document, as illustrating the difficulties that had then to be dealt with in the subjugation of the Western wilderness, and shows decided ability and foresight on the part of the writer. The letter is as follows:

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                                                                              "New Windsor, June 16, 1783.
     "SIR : As it is very uncertain how long it may be before the honorable Congress may take the petition of the officers of the army, for lands between the Ohio river and Lake Erie, into consideration or be in a situation to decide thereon, the going to Philadelphia to negotiate the business with any of its members, or committee to whom the petition may be referred, is a measure none of the petitioners will think of undertaking. The part I have taken in promoting the petition is well known, and, therefore, needs no apology, when I inform you that the signers expect that I will pursue-measures to have it laid before Congress. Under these circumstances, I beg leave to put the petition in your Excellency's hands, and ask, with the greatest assurance, your patronage of it.  That Congress may not be wholly unacquainted with the motives of the petitioners, I beg your indulgence while I make a few observations on the policy and propriety of granting the prayer of it, and making such arrangements of garrisons in the western quarter as shall give effectual protection to the settlers, and encourage emigration to the new government; which, if they meet your approbation, and the favor be not too great, I must request your Excellency will give them your support, and cause them to be forwarded, with the petition, to the President of Congress, in order that, when the petition is taken up, Congress, or their committee, may be informed on what principles the petition is grounded. I am, sir, among those who consider the cession of so great a tract of territory to the United States, in the western world, as a very happy circumstance, and of great consequence to the American empire. Nor have I the least doubt but Congress will pay an early attention to securing the allegiance of the natives, as well as provide for the defense of the country, in case of a war with

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Great Britain or Spain. One great means of securing the allegiance of the natives, I take to be, the furnishing them with such necessaries as they stand in need of, and in exchange receiving their furs and skins. They have become so accustomed to the use of fire-arms, that I doubt if they could gain a subsistence without them, at least they will be very sorry to be reduced to the disagreeable necessity of using the bow and arrow as the only means of killing their game; and so habituated are they to the woolen blanket, etc., etc., that absolute necessity alone will prevent their making use of them.
     This consideration alone, is, I think, sufficient to prove the necessity of establishing such factories as may furnish an ample supply to these wretched creatures ; for unless they are furnished by the subjects of the United States, they will undoubtedly seek elsewhere, and, like all other people, form their attachment where they have their commerce; and then, in case of war, will always be certain to aid our enemies. Therefore, if there were no advantages in view but that of attaching them to our interests, I think good policy will dictate the measure of carrying on a commerce with these people; but when we add to this the consideration of the profit arising from the Indian trade in general, there can not, I presume, be a doubt that it is the interest of the United States to make as early provision for the encouragement and protection of it as possible. For these and many other obvious reasons, Congress will no doubt find it necessary to establish garrisons in Oswego, Niagara, Michilimackinac, Illinois, and many other places in the western world.
     The Illinois, and all the posts that shall be established, on the Mississippi, may undoubtedly be furnished by way of the Ohio, with provisions at all times, and with goods whenever a war shall interrupt the trade with New Orleans. But in case

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of a war with Great Britain, unless a communication is open between the river Ohio and Lake Erie, Niagara, Detroit, and all the posts seated on the great lakes, will inevitably be lost without such communication ; for a naval superiority on Lake Ontario, or the seizing on Niagara, will subject the whole country bordering on the lakes to the will of the enemy. Such a misfortune will put it out of the power of the United States to furnish the natives, and necessity will again oblige them to take an active part against us.
     Where and how this communication is to be opened, shall next be considered. If Capt. Hutchins, and a number of other map-makers, are not out in their calculations, provisions may be sent from the settlements on the south side of the Ohio, by the Muskingum or Scioto to Detroit, or even to Niagara, at a less expense than from Albany by the Mohawk, to those places. To secure such communication (by the Scioto, all circumstances considered, will be the best), let a chain of forts be established; these forts should be built on the banks of the river, if the ground will admit, and about twenty miles distant from each other, and on this plan, the Scioto communication will require ten or eleven stockaded forts, flanked by block-houses, and one company of men will be a sufficient garrison for each, except the one at the portage, which will require more attention in the construction, and a larger number of men to garrison it. But besides the supplying the garrisons on the great lakes with provisions, etc., we ought to take into consideration the protection that such an arrangement will give to the frontiers of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York. I say New York, as we shall undoubtedly extend our settlements and garrisons from the Hudson to Oswego. This done, and a garrison posted at Niagara, whoever will inspect the map

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must be convinced that all the Indians living on the waters of the Mohawk, Oswego, Susquehanna, and Alleghany rivers, and in all the country south of the lakes Ontario and Erie, will be encircled in such a manner as will effectually secure their allegiance and keep them quiet, or oblige them to quit their country.
     Nor will such an arrangement of posts from the Ohio to Lake Erie be any additional expense; for, unless this gap is shut, notwithstanding the garrisons on the lakes and from Oswego to the Hudson, yet the frontier settlers on the Ohio, by Fort Pitt to the Susquehanna, and all the country south of the Mohawk will be exposed to savage insult, unless protected by a chain of garrisons which will be far more expensive than the arrangement proposed, and, at the same time, the protection given to these states will be much less complete; besides, we should not confine our protection to the present settlements, but carry the idea of extending them at least as far as the lakes Ontario and Erie.
     These lakes form such a natural barrier, that when connected with the Hudson and Ohio by the garrisons proposed, settlements in every part of the states of New York and Pennsylvania may be made with the utmost safety; so that these states must be deeply interested in the measure as well as Virginia, who will, by the same arrangement, have a great part of its frontier secured, and the rest much strengthened; nor is there a state in the Union but will be greatly benefited by the measure, considered in any other point of view, for, without any expense, except a small allowance of purchase money to the natives, the United States will have within their protection seventeen million five hundred thousand acres of very fine land, to dispose of as they may think proper. But I hasten to men-

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tion some of the expectations which the petitioners have respecting the conditions on which they hope to obtain the lands. This was not proper to mention in the body of. the petition, especially as we pray for grants to all members of the army who wish to take up lands in that quarter.
     The whole tract is supposed to contain about seventeen million four hundred and eighteen thousand two hundred and forty acres, and will admit of seven hundred and fifty-six townships of six miles square, allowing to each township three thousand and forty acres for the ministry, schools, waste lands, rivers, ponds, and highways; then each township will contain, of settlers' lands, twenty thousand acres, and in the whole, fifteen million one hundred and twenty thousand acres. The land to which the army is entitled, by the resolves of Congress, referred to in the petition, according to my estimate, will amount to two million one hundred and six thousand eight hundred and fifty acres, which is about the eighth part of the whole. For the survey of this, the army expect to be at no expense, nor do they expect to be under any obligation to settle these lands, or do any duty to secure their title in them ; but in order to induce the army to become actual settlers in the new government, the petitioners hope congress will make a further grant of lands on condition of settlement, and have no doubt but that honorable body will be as liberal to all those who are not provided for by their own states, as New York has been to the officers and soldiers that belong to that state j which, if they do, it will require about eight million acres to complete the army, and about seven million acres will remain for sale. The petitioners, at least some of them, are much opposed to the monopoly of the lands, and wish to guard against large patents being granted to individuals, as, in their opinion, such a

pg. 35 -
mode is very injurious to a country, and greatly retards its settlement; and whenever such patents are tenanted, it throws too much power into the hands of a few. For these, and many other obvious reasons, the petitioners hope that no grant will be made but by townships of six miles square, or six by twelve, or six by eighteen miles, to be subdivided by the proprietors to six miles square, that being the standard on which they wish all calculations to be made; and that officers and soldiers, as well as those who petition for charters on purchase, may form their associations on one uniform principle, as to number of persons or rights to be contained in a township, with the exception only, that when the grant is made for services already done, or on condition of settlement, if the officers petition, with the soldiers, for a particular township, the soldier shall have one right only to a captain's three, and so in proportion with commissioned officers of every grade.
     These, sir, are the principles which gave rise to the petition under consideration; the petitioners, at least some of them, think that sound policy dictates the measure, and that congress ought to lose no time in establishing some such chain of posts as have been hinted at, and in procuring the tract of land petitioned for, of the natives; for, the moment this is done, and agreeable terms offered to the settlers, many of the petitioners are determined not only to become adventurers, but actually to remove themselves to this country; and there is not the least doubt, but other valuable citizens will follow their example, and the probability is that the country between Lake Erie and the Ohio will be filled with inhabitants, and the faithful subjects of the United States so established on the waters of the Ohio and the lakes, as to banish forever the idea of our western territory falling under the dominion of any European

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power; the frontiers of the old states will be effectually secured from savage alarms, and the new will have little to fear from their insults.
I have the honor to be,.sir, with every sentiment, your Excellency's most obedient and very humble servant,
                                                                                 RUFUS PUTNAM."
" GEN. WASHINGTON."
     It will be noted that Gen. Putnam, in the foregoing letter, suggests townships of six miles square, and the allowance to each township of "3040 acres for the ministry, schools, waste lands, rivers, ponds, and highways." This was, it is believed, the first suggestion of these points, and to Gen. Putnam belongs the honor of devising and first urging these practical and beneficent measures. His advice as to the size of townships was subsequently adopted, and has continued to be the standard of a surveyed township ever since. The other suggestion as to school and ministerial lands was applied to the Ohio Company's and to Symmes's Purchase (on the Miami), but never became of general application.
     Washington addressed a communication to congress, strongly approving Gen. Putnam's letter and the application of the officers for a land grant, but no definite action was taken by that body.
     In the spring of 1784, Gen. Putnam, who was deeply interested in the matter and anxious to open

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the way for the settlement of the Ohio country, again addressed Washington as follows:
                                                                               "Rutland April 5th, 1784.
     "DEAR SIR: Being unavoidably prevented from attending the general meeting of the Cincinnati at Philadelphia, as I had intended, where I once more expected the opportunity in person of paying my respects to your Excellency, I can not deny myself the honor of addressing you by letter, to acknowledge with gratitude the ten thousand obligations I feel myself under to your goodness, and most sincerely to congratulate you on your return to domestic happiness; to inquire after your health, and wish the best of Heaven's blessings may attend you and your dear lady.
     The settlement of the Ohio country, sir, engrosses many of my thoughts, and much of my time, since I left the camp, has been employed in informing myself and others, with respect to the nature, situation, and circumstances of that country, and the practicability of removing ourselves there. And, if I am to form an opinion on what I have seen and heard on the subject, there are thousands in this quarter who will emigrate to that country as soon as the honorable congress make provisions for granting lands there, and locations and settlements can be made with safety, unless such provision is too long delayed; I mean till necessity turn their views another way, which is the case with some already, and must soon be the case with many more. You are sensible of the necessity, as well as the possibility of both officers and soldiers fixing themselves in business somewhere, as soon as possible, as many of them are unable to lie longer on their oars, waiting the decision of congress, on our petition, and, therefore,

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must unavoidably settle themselves in some other quarter; which, when done, the idea of removing to the Ohio country will probably be at an end, with respect to most' of them. Besides, the commonwealth of Massachusetts have come to a resolution to sell their eastern country for public securities, and should their plan be formed, and propositions be made public before we hear anything from congress respecting our petition and the terms on which the lands petitioned for are to be obtained, it will undoubtedly be much against us, by greatly lessening the number of Ohio associates.
     Another reason why we wish to know, as soon as possible, what the intentions of congress are respecting our petition, is the effect such knowledge will probably have on the credit of the certificates we have received on settlement of accounts; those securities are now selling at no more than three shillings and six pence, or four shillings on the pound, which, in all probability, might double, if not more, the moment it was known that government would receive them for lands in the Ohio country. From these circumstances, and many others which might be mentioned, we are growing quite impatient, and the general inquiry now is, when are we going to the Ohio ? Among others, Brig. Gen. Tupper, Lieut. Col. Oliver, and Maj. Ashley, have agreed to accompany me to that country, the moment the way is open for such an undertaking. I should have hinted these things to some member of congress, but the delegates from Massachusetts, although exceeding worthy men, and, in general, would wish to promote the Ohio scheme, yet, if it should militate against the particular interest of this state, by draining her of inhabitants, especially when she is forming the plan of selling the eastern country, I thought they would not be very warm advocate

p. 39 -
in our favor; and I dare not trust myself with any of the New York delegates, with whom I was acquainted, because that government is wisely inviting the eastern people to settle in that state ; and as to the delegates of other states, I have no acquaintance with any of them.
     These circumstances must apologize for my troubling you on this subject, and requesting the favor of a line, to inform us in this quarter, what the prospects are with respect to our petition, and what measures have been or are likely to be taken, with respect to settling the Ohio country.
     I shall take it as a very particular favor, sir, if you will be kind enough to recommend me to some character in congress acquainted with and attached to, the Ohio cause, with whom I may presume to open a correspondence.
                                   I am, sir, with the highest respect,
                                                       Your humble servant,
                                                                           RUFUS PUTNAM."

"GEN. WASHINGTON."
     In reply to this communication Gen. Putnam received the following letter from Washington :

                                                                       "Mount Vernon, June 2dy 1784.
     "DEAR SIR : I could not answer your favor of the 5th of April, from Philadelphia, because Gen. Knox, having mislaid, only presented the letter to me in the moment of my departure from that place. The sentiments of esteem and friendship which breathe in it, are exceedingly pleasing and flattering to me, and you may rest assured they are reciprocal.
     "I wish it was in my power to give you a more favorable account of the officers' petition for lands on the Ohio, and

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its waters, than I am about to do. After this matter and information respecting the establishment for peace, were my inquiries, as I went through Annapolis, solely directed ; but I could not learn that anything decisive had been done in either.
     On the latter, I hear congress are differing about their powers; but as they have accepted of the cession from Virginia, and have resolved to lay off ten new states,¹ bounded by latitudes and longitudes, it should be supposed that they would determine something respecting the former before they adjourn; and yet I very much question it, as the latter is to happen on the 3rd, that is to-morrow. As the congress who are to meet in November next, by the adjournment will be composed from an entire new choice of delegates in each state, it is not in my power, at this time, to direct you to a proper correspondent in that body. I wish I could ; for persuaded I am, that to some such cause as you have assigned, may be ascribed the delay the petition has encountered, for surely^ if justice and gratitude to the army, and general policy    

-------------------------
     ^1. The plan reported by the committee (consisting of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Chase, and Mr. Howell) on the 19th of April, 1784, provided for the division of the northwestern territory into ten states, by parallels of latitude and meridian lines. The names of the new states, beginning at the northwest and proceeding southwardly, were to be Sylvania, Michigania, Chersonasus, Assonisipia, Metropotamia, Illinoia, Saratoga, Washington, Polypotamia, and Pelisipia. (Journals of Congress, April 23d, 1784.) The report of the committee was debated for several days, during which it underwent very essential changes. Looking at the foregoing list of horrible names, the innocent people of the western states may well tremble at their narrow escape.

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of the Union were to govern in this case, there would not be the smallest interruption in granting its request.  I really feel for those gentlemen, who, by these unaccountable delays (by any other means than those you have suggested), are held in such an awkward and disagreeable state of suspense, and wish my endeavors could remove the obstacles.  At Princeton, before congress left that place, I exerted every power I was master of, and dwelt upon the argument you have used, to show the propriety of a speedy decision.  Every member with whom I conversed, acquiesced in the reasonableness of the petition.  All yielded, or seemed to yield to the policy of it, but plead the want of cession of the land, to act upon; this is made and accepted, and yet matters, as far as they have come to my knowledge, remain in statu quo.  *   *   *
                  Your most obedient servant.
                                           G. WASHINGTON"

     Though his favorite scheme for an organized emigration to the western counry failed in 1784, Gen. Putnam was destined not only to witness its success a few years later, but to live to see the most marvelous results of civilization follow the accomplishment of his sagacious policy.
     The next few years were spent by Gen. Putnam in charging the duties of public surveyor and land agent of the state of Massachusetts, in which position he gave entire satisfaction.  From 1788 his career was in a great degree identified with the operations of the

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Ohio Company, and the colony at Marietta; and we shall,  in  that connection, obtain further insight into the excellence of his character and the simplicity of his life.  He died at Marietta, beloved and mourned by the whole community in May, 1824, at the age of eighty-six.
     Timothy Flint, who knew Gen. Putnam personally, said of him, writing in 1828:

     "He was probably the member of the Ohio Company who had the greatest influence n imparting confidence to emigration from New England to Ohio.  When he moved there it was one compact and boundless forest.  He saw that forest fall on all sides under the axe; and, in the progress of improvement, comfortable and then splendid dwellings rise around him.  He saw his favorite settlement survive the accumulated horrors of an Indian war.  He saw its exhaustless fertility and its natural advantages triumph over all.  He saw Marietta making advance toward an union of interest with the Gulf of Mexico by floating down to its bosom a number of sea vessels built at that place.  He saw such a prodigious increase of navigation on the Ohio as to number a hundred large boats passing his dwelling within a few hours.  He heard the first tumult of the steamboats as they began to be borne down between the forests.  He had surrounded his republican mansion with orchards bending with fruit.  In the midst of rural abundance and endeared friends who had grown up around him; far from the display of wealth, the bustle of ambition and intrigue, the father of the colony, hospitable and kind without ostentation and without effort, he displayed in these remote regions the grandeur, real

p. 43 -
and intrinsic, of those immortal men who achieved our revolution.  He has passed away.  But the memory of really great and good men, like Gen. Putnam, will remain as long as plenty, independence, and comfort shall prevail on the shores of the Ohio."*

Benjamin Tupper.
     Contemporary with Gen. Putnam, and a companion in arms and friend of his, was Gen. Benjamin Tupper.  Born in 1738 at Stoughton, Massachusetts, of parents whose immediate ancestors came from England, he reached manhood in time to bear arms during the French war, in which he served as  subaltern in the provincial army.  In November, 1762, he married Miss Huldah White at Easton, Massachusetts.  At the commencement of the Revolutionary war, Tupper, who was then a lieutenant of militia at Chesterfield, ardently espoused the cause of the colonies.  The first act of his military career was arresting and adjourning the supreme court, in 1776, which was sitting at Springfield under the royal authority.  From this time he served continuously till the close of the war, rendering efficient service to the cause in the various grades which he successively filled, of major, colonel, and brigadier general.
     In 1785, after the return of peace, Gen. Tupper sought employment of the government as a surveyor.

-------------------------
     *Flint's Western States, vol. 2, p. 364.

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of public lands in the West, under the ordinance of May 20th, 1785, providing from the execution of that work.  This appointment had been tendered to Gen. Putnam, who, for private reasons, declined it.  He, however, used his influence to secure the office for his friend Tupper, who was appointed by the following resolution of congress:

     "On motion of the delegates from Massachusetts, -
     Whereas, Mr. Rufus Putnam, appointed a surveyor under the ordinance of the 20th of May, from public engagements with the commonwealth of Massachusetts, can not attend to the business of his appointment during the year: Resolved, that Mr. Benjamin Tupper be and hereby is appointed a surveyor, with authority to perform the duties of that office, until Mr. Putnam shall actually join the geographer and take the duties upon himself." *

     In the autumn of the same year Gen. Tupper started for the northwest, intending to prosecute the land surveys of that region, but, owing to Indian trouble, did not proceed further than the present site of Pittsburg.  In the summer of 1786, after the Indians had been temporarily quieted by treaty made in January previous, Gen. Tupper made a second journey to the west, and completed, during that season, the survey of "the seven ranges."

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     * Journals of Congress, vol. 4, p. 547.

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     On his return to Massachusetts from his first visit to the northwest, during the winter of 1785-6, Gen. Tupper's mind was filled with the idea of removing to the Ohio country - an idea which appeared so visionary to most of his friends that they could not regard it as serious.  He, however, was thoroughly in earnest, and knew where to find a person who would enter into his plan.  This was his friend Gen. Putnam.  Tupper visited him at his residence in Rutland; and thus were brought together again, after the war, the two men who originated the idea of the famous Ohio Company.  What they talked fo the night of Tuppers visit, history does not wholly record.  We fancy them sitting before a blazing fire in the old-fashioned open fire-place, where hickory logs were steaming and sparks flying up the chimney.  Putnam's sword and spurs, perhaps, hung on the wall, relics of the late war, and mute reminders of common perils.  If the little Putnams were permitted to sit up that evening later than usual, to listen to the conversation, it may, with tolerable certainty, be conjectured that they dreamed of strange western countries, wild men and beasts.  Perhaps the elders recounted the trials and adventures of the war; doubtless, they discussed the politics of the day, and the perils that beset the cumbrous and rickety government of the liberated colonies (for the constitution was not yet framed, and those were the dark days of the "confederation"); but one thing we

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know of which they discussed long and thoroughly, and that was western land and emigration.  The next day their ideas on this subject were so far matured that they united in an advertisement which was published in the newspapers of the state, on the 25th of January, 1786, as follows:

"INFORMATION.

     "The subscribers take this method to inform all officers and soldiers who have served in the late war, and who are, by a late ordinance of the honorable congress, to receive certain tracts of land in the Ohio country - and also all other good citizens who wish to become adventurers in that delightful region; that from personal inspection, together with other incontestible evidences, they are fully satisfied that the lands in that quarter are of a much better quality than any other known to New England People; that the climate, seasons, products, etc., are in fact equal to the most flattering accounts that have ever been published of them; that being determined to become purchasers and to prosecute a settlement in this country, and desirous of forming a general association with those who entertain the same ideas, they beg leave to propose the following plan, viz:  That an association by the name of The Ohio Company be formed of all such as wish to become purchasers, etc., in that country who reside in the commonwealth of Massachusetts only, or to extend to the inhabitants of other states as shall be agreed on.  In order to bring such a company into existence, the subscribers propose that all persons who wish to promote the scheme, should meet in their respective counties at 10 o'clock A.M. on

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of my friends in Congress, and others, with whom I happened to meet."

     Dr. Cutler left New York on the evening of this day - the 27th of July.  On his homeward journey, he again called on Gen. Parsons at his home in Connecticut.

     "When I had informed the General of my negotiations with Congress, I had the pleasure to find it not only met his approbation, but he expressed his astonishment that I had obtained terms so advantageous, which, he said, were beyond his expectation.  He assured me he preferred the appointment of first judge to that of governor, especially if Gen. St. Clair was governor.  He proposed writing to Gen. St. Clair and his friends in Congress, that they would procure an appointment for me on the same bench; but I absolutely declined, assuring him I had no wish to go in the civil line."*

     On the 26th of July, Dr. Cutler and Mr. Sargent

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     *In an original memorandum, now before us, written by Dr. Cutler many years later, he says:

     "On the 29th of August, 1787, I made a report to the directors and agents at a meeting in Boston, of the purchase and terms agreed upon by the Board of Treasury, and Sargent and myself.  At this meeting a great number of the proprietors attended, all of whom fully approved of the proposed contract.  Gen. Varnum was elected a director, and Richard Platt treasurer.  Sargent and myself were directed to proceed to New York immediately, to make the first payment and complete the contract.  At this meeting, Gen. Parsons and Gen. Varnum, two gentlemen eminent in the law, were requested to prepare the bonds for the directors and treasurer to execute.  They did so."

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had addressed a letter to the Board of Treasury, proposing to enter into a contract for the purchase of the lands described in the ordinance of July 23.*  On the 27th, their letter was referred by Congress to the Board of Treasury "to take order," but the contract was not finally executed till October 27th, 1787. 
     Of the grant thus obtained, amounting to nearly five million acres of land, only one million and a half were for the Ohio Company; and, owing to certain embarrassments in its affairs, the company finally became possesssed of only nine hundred and sixty-four thousand two hundred and eighty-five acres.  The whole tract bargained for by the Ohio Company for themselves is thus described: "From the seventh range of townships extending along the Ohio southwesterly to the place where the west line of the seventeenth range of townships would intersect that river; thence northerly so far that a line drawn due east to the western boundary of said seventh range of townships would, with the other lines, include one million and a half acres of land, besides the reserves."  These reserves were two townships for the purposes of a university, and the school and ministerial sections in each township.†
     There has been a good deal of criticism about the alleged bad location of the Ohio Company's purchase,

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     * See Letter, Appendix
     † For what they finally came in possession of, see Appendix

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a large amount of rough and broken land; but it also included many tracts of beautiful farming country, will watered, well timbered, healthful, and fertile.  And whatever reasons were wanting fifty years ago to justify the wisdom of the location, have been furnished in later days by the solid agricultural growth of the counties included in the purchase, and by their great and rapidly developing mineral wealth.  Agricultural interests are ever the earliest to be developed; but, in the long run, the mineral resources of a country are equally important to its wealth and supporting power.  The vast deposits of coal and iron in Athens county and adjacent regions, are but just beginning to be utilized, and the time may yet come when the "Ohio Company's Purchase," which they were laughed at for selecting, and which, in later years, has been stigmatized as the "Huckleberry Knobs," will support a swarming population.  Those hills will some day smoke with forges, foundries, and manufactories of iron.  They will be honey-combed with innumerable tunnels, from which will be taken the precious deposits of coal there concealed, and a million freemen may yet inhabit those counties, which while their wealth lay hidden, were disregarded for more fertile parts, but which, when developed, will furnish forth the wealth of an empire.