The demand upon the resources of the colonies for
carrying on the Revolutionary war, caused the western
land question to assume a new and complicated phase,
which led ultimately, through State cessions, to the
nationalization of the entire Western territory.
This was in the nature of a contest between those states
which laid claim to Western lands by virtue of their
colonial charters and those which had no such claim.
The latter included New Hampshire, Rhode Island, New
Jersey, and Delaware, which were confined to the
Atlantic plain, and Pennsylvania, which now had a
definite western boundary just beyond the Forks of the
Ohio.
On Oct. 14, 1777, the following rule was adopted by
Congress and became a part of the Articles of
Confederation:
"All charges of war and all other expenses that shall
be incurred for the common defense or general welfare,
and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled,
shall be defrayed out of a common treasury which shall
be supplied by the several States, in proportion to the
value of all land within each State granted to, or
surveyed for, any person, as such land and the buildings
and improvements thereon shall be estimated according to
such mode as the United States in Congress assembled
shall from time to time direct and appoint."
MARYLAND'S PROPOSAL
The
land issue was first raised on the following day, when the
proposition was submitted by Maryland "That the United States in
Congress assembled shall have the sole and exclusive right and
power to ascertain and fix the western boundary of such States
as claim to the Mississippi or the South Sea, and lay out
the land beyond the boundary so ascertained into separate and
independent States, from time to time, as the numbers and
circumstances of the people thereof may require."
This was the first proposition that Congress should
exercise sovereign jurisdiction over the Western country, and
was a plain proposition to nationalize the lands. It met
with immediate opposition from the claimant States, who on
October 27th caused to be inserted in the Articles a clause to
the effect that the United States in Congress assembled
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should be "the last resort, on appeal, in all disputes
and differences between two or more States concerning
boundaries, jurisdiction or any other cause whatever,"
and further declared that "No State shall be deprived of
territory for the benefit of the United States."
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania,
Virginia and North Carolina voted for the amendment; New
Hampshire voted against it; New Jersey and South
Carolina were divided; Maryland and Georgia were not
present or did not vote, and Connecticut was not
counted, as but one member was present.
NATIONAL OWNERSHIP PROPOSED BY RHODE ISLAND.
When
a month later Congress sent a circular letter to the several
States requesting the ratification of the Articles, a number of
amendments were proposed, some of which related to the land
question. Maryland revived her proposition of the year
before, though in a slightly modified form, and was supported by
Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, all
non-claimant States. The claimant States in general, with
New Hampshire, voted against it; New York was divided, with
North Carolina and Georgia not present or not voting.
Rhode Island submitted an amendment providing for the national
ownership of all lands within the States, the property of which
before the war was vested in the Crown of Great Britain, the
jurisdiction to remain with the States to which such lands
severally belonged. This was lost by a vote of nine to
one.
New Jersey proposed that Congress should have power to
dispose of all vacant and unpatented lands, commonly called
Crown lands for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the wr,
with the same provision as to jurisdiction as in the case of
Rhode Island. Though all these amendments were voted down,
it was apparent that "the opposition to the land claims of the
claimant States was broadening and deepening."
DELAY IN RATIFYING
THE ARTICLES.
There was a delay on the part of several States in
ratifying the Articles. Delaware wished Congress
to assign moderate limits to those States claiming to
the Mississippi, and also declared that the western
lands ought to be "common estate to be granted out on
terms beneficial to the United States," since they had
been, or must be, gained by the blood and treasure of
all. She finally, however, ratified the Articles,
as did also New Jersey and Georgia, being willing to
trust to the wisdom of future deliberations for "such
alterations and amendments as experience might show to
be expedient and just."
Maryland still held back, basing her op position on the
ground that it was contrary to every principle of equity
and good policy "that Maryland or any other State
entering into the Confederation should be burdened with
heavy expenses for the subduing and guaranteeing of
immense tracts of country, if she is not in any way to
be benefitted thereby. She held out for the right
of Congress to fix the western limits of the States
claiming to the Mississippi river, and also for a
national claim to the lands lying to the westward of the
frontiers thus fixed, besides protesting against the
exclusive claim set up by some States to the whole
western country without any solid foundation, which she
declared, would, if persisted in, "prove ruinous to the
interests of Maryland and other States similarly
situated, and in process of time be the means of
subverting the confederacy."
The manner in which these results would be brought
about was thus described:
"Virginia, by selling on the most moderate terms a
small proportion of the lands in question, would draw
into her treasury vast sums of money; and in proporton
to the sums arising from such sales, would be enabled to
lessen her taxes. Lands comparatively cheap and
taxes comparatively low, with the lands and taxes of an
adjacent State, would quickly drain the States thus
disadvantageously circumstanced of its most
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useful inhabitants; its wealth and its consequence in
the scale of the confederated States would sink of
course. A claim so injurious to more than
one-half, if not to the whole of the United States,
ought to be supported by the clearest evidence of the
right. Yet what evidence of that right have been
produced? What arguments alleged in support either of
the evidence or the right? None that we have heard
of deserving a serious refutation."
CLAIMS OF THE INDIANA AND OTHER COMPANIES.
This
description evidences the somewhat exaggerated estimate of the
value of wild lands then prevalent both with Congress and the
States. Such lands in the long run have not been found a
source of revenue by the government.
As Maryland persisted in her refusal to ratify the
Articles of Confederation unless they were amended in accordance
with the spirit of her proposition of 1777, the machinery for
filling the treasury and recruiting the army could not be set in
motion and a condition ensued which threatened serious injury to
the national cause. In May, 1779, Virginia, in disregard
of the growing sentiment in favor of endowing the United States
with the western lands, opened a land office and made
preparations to sell lands in the western territory claimed by
her. This proceeding, however, was interrupted by a
memorial signed by George Morgan and presented to
Congress on behalf of certain persons who claimed title by
virtue of a grant received from the Six Nations, at the Fort
Stanwix Congress, of a tract of land on the south side of the
Ohio river between the southern limit of Pennsylvania and the
little Kanawha river. This tract, called Indiana, as
included within the bounds of a larger tract called Vandalia,
was, they asserted, separated by the King in Council from the
domain which Virginia claimed over it, and was not subject to
the jurisdiction of Virginia or of any particular State, but of
the United States. Hence the memorialists prayed Congress
to take such action as should arrest the sale of lands until the
rights of the owners of the tract called Vandalia could be
ascertained, and the sovereignty of the United States and the
just rights of individuals supported. Another memorial, of
individuals supported. Another memorial, signed by
William Trent, on behalf of Thomas Walpole and his
associates in the Grand Company was presented at the same time.
After some opposition on the part of New Hampshire,
Massachusetts, Virginia and both Carolinas, both memorials were
referred to a committee. The committee was also instructed
to inquire into the question of the jurisdiction of Congress
over this matter, the right of such jurisdiction having been
denied by Virginia.
On October 29th the committee reported that they "could
not find any such distinction between the question of the
jurisdiction of Congress and the merits of the cause as to
recommend any decision upon the first separately from the last."
Maryland then offered another resolution against the
apportionment of vacant lands during the continuance of the war.
This was voted against only by Virginia and North Carolina, New
York being undecided. In December Virginia addressed a
remonstrance to Congress, protesting against the action of that
body in hearing the petitions from the Indiana and Vandalia
companies, as being a matter out side the jurisdiction of that
body, and asserting the rights of the claimant States to the
lands described in their respective charters. She also
called attention to the fact that she had already enacted a law
to prevent further settlements on the northwest bank of the Ohio
river. In addition, she declared herself willing to
furnish lands northwest of the Ohio to the troops of the
Continental establishment of such of the States as had not
unappropriated lands for that purpose. "Indeed it was
clear that a denial of the Western titles on the ground that the
western lands belonged to the Crown, tended to subvert the very
foundation on which Congress instructed its foreign
representatives to stand while contending with England.
France, and Spain for a westward extension
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to the Mississippi." Thus Congress wisely kept
clear of the Maryland doctrine and eventually worked out
a solution of the Western question. on the principle of
compromise and concession.
NEW YORK MAKES THE FIRST CESSION.
New
York led the way, in January, 1780, to a practical solution of
the difficult question, by authorizing its delegates in Congress
to limit and restrict its boundaries in the western parts by
such lines and in such manner as they should judge to be
expedient "with respect either to the jurisdiction, or right of
soil or both; (2) that the territory so ceded shall be and inure
for the use and benefit of such of the United States as shall
become members of the Federal alliance of the said States, and
for no other use or purpose whatever; (3) that such of the lands
so ceded, as shall remain within the jurisdiction of the State,
shall be surveyed, laid out, and disposed of only as Congress
may direct."
This act, which was thought by Prof. Adams
to be the direct result of Maryland's influence, was the first
of the State cessions and immediately changed the whole
situation. A committee to whom all the documents in the
case had been referred, on Sept. 6, 1780, submitted a report in
which they declared that they had considered it "unnecessary to
examine into the merits or policy of the instructions or
declaration of the general assembly of Maryland, or of the
remonstrance of the general assembly of Virginia, as they
involve questions a discussion of which was declined, on mature
consideration, when the articles of confederation were debated;
nor in the opinion of the committee, can such questions be now
revived with any prospect of conciliation. That it appears
more advisable to press upon those States which can remove the
embarrassments respecting the western country a liberal
surrender of a portion of their territorial claims, since they
cannot be preserved entire without endangering the stability of
the general confederacy; to remind them how indispensably
necessary it is to establish the federal union on a fixed and
permanent basis, and on principles acceptable to all its
respective members; how essential to public credit and
confidence, to the support of the army, to the vigor of our
councils, and success of our measures, to our tranquility at
home, our reputation abroad, to our very existence as a free,
sovereign, and independent people; that they are fully persuaded
the wisdom of the respective legislatures will lead them to a
full and impartial consideration of a subject so interesting to
the United States, and so necessary to the happy establishment
of the federal union; that they are confirmed in these
expectations by a review of the before-mentioned act of the
legislature of New York, submitted to their consideration; that
this act is expressly calculated to accelerate the federal
alliance by removing, as far as depends on that State, the
impediment arising from the western country, and for that
purpose to yield up a portion of territorial claim for the
general benefit:
"Resolved, That copies of the several papers referred
to the committee be transmitted, with a copy of the report, to
the legislatures of the several States; and that it be earnestly
recommended to those States who have claims to the western
country to pass such laws, and give their delegates in Congress
such powers, as may effectually remove the only obstacle to a
final ratification of the articles of confederation; and that
the legislature of Maryland be earnestly requested to authorize
their delegates in Congress to subscribe to the Articles."
"This report," says Hinsdale, "was agreed to
without call of the roll. Its adoption marks a memorable
day in the history of the land controversy. No other
document extant shows so clearly the wise policy that Congress
adopted. That policy was neither to affirm nor to deny,
nor even to discuss, whether Congress had jurisdiction over the
wild lands, but to ask for cessions and to trust to the logic of
events to work out the issue. The appeal made to Maryland
was one that she could not well refuse to heed. And then,
that nothing but selfish interest might stand in the way of the
other
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claimant States following the example of New York,
Congress adopted, October 10th, this further resolution:
"Resolved, That the unappropriated lands that may be
ceded or relinquished to the United States, by any
particular State, pursuant to the recommendation of
Congress of the sixth day of September last, shall be
disposed of for the common benefit of the United States,
and be settled or formed into distinct Republican
States, which shall become members of the federal union,
and have the same rights of sovereignty, freedom and
independence as the other States: That each state which
shall be so formed shall have a suitable extent of
territory, not less than one hundred or more than one
hundred and fifty miles square, as near thereto as
circumstances will admit: That the necessary and
reasonable expenses which any particular State shall
have incurred since the commencement of the present war,
in subduing any British posts, or in maintaining forts
and garrisons within and for the defence, or in
acquiring any part of the territory that may be ceded or
relinquished to the United States, shall be reimbursed;
"That the said lands shall be granted or settled at
such times and under such regulations as shall hereafter
be agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled,
or by any nine or more of them."
The papers sent to the claimant States under the
resolution of September 6th called forth early
responses. On October l0th, by a legislative act,
Connecticut offered to cede lands within her charter
limits, west of the Susquehanna purchase and east of the
Mississippi, on condition that the State retain the
jurisdiction, the quantity of land so ceded to be "in
just proportion of what shall be ceded and relinquished
by the other States claiming and holding vacant lands as
aforesaid," etc.
Virginia responded in January, 1781, by making
conditional cessions of lands northwest of the Ohio,
which action, though it left some things undecided, was
followed, on February 2d, by the ratification of the
Articles of Confederation on the part of Maryland.
The principal condition insisted upon by Virginia was a
guarantee of her remaining territory by the United
States. This met with opposition from New York,
who thought it unjust that she should be asked to
guarantee the reserved territories of other states while
receiving no guarantee of those which she had herself
reserved, and it was some time before this matter was
satisfactorily adjusted.
UNCONDITIONAL CESSIONS URGED BY CONGRESS.
Committees were appointed by Congress early in 1781 to deal with
all difficult questions arising out of the land issue, and as
these questions were many and complicated, they will not here be
considered in detail. The committee reported in November,
1781, and among other things, their reports strongly urged
Massachusetts and Connecticut to make an immediate release of
all their claims and pretentions to Western territory without
condition or reservation. Virginia's cession was not
accepted, by reason of the guarantee demanded, the validity of
her claim being denied. She was also recommended to make
an unconditional cession of all her claim to Western lands.
This report was never acted upon as a whole, and soon
the land issue became complicated with other subjects, as the
national finances.
TRIUMPH OF THE NATIONAL IDEA.
It would occupy too much space to follow the gradual
growth of the national idea through all its phases to
its culmination in the final and unconditional cessions
of their territories by the claimant States to the
national government. This result was gradually
reached by a series of partial concessions and
adjustments as the only final solution of the much-vexed
question. Connecticut was the last to relinquish
her claims. On Sept. 14, 1786, she ceded to
Congress all her "right, title, interest, jurisdiction,
and claim to the lands northwest of the Ohio, excepting
the Connecticut Western Reserve." Of this tract
jurisdictional claim was not ceded to the United States
until May 30, 1800. As long as the confederation
lasted the
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lands were not and could not be fully nationalized, as the
Articles gave Congress no resources except such as came from the
States. Accordingly the deeds made to the United States
stipulated that the lands and their proceeds should be
distributed among all the States in the Union; and this was the
principle upon which the land act of 1785 was based. When
the Constitution went into effect it fully nationalized the
public domain.
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